大家英文程度都不錯，再來篇討論Romney(歡迎討論)
 

Not long after Mitt Romney dropped out of the presidential race in early 2008, a titan of New York finance, Julian H. Robertson, flew to Utah to deliver an eye-popping offer.

He asked Mr. Romney to become chief executive of his hedge fund, Tiger Management, for an annual salary of about $30 million, according to two people told of the discussions.

For Mr. Romney, who had spent the previous decade in public life forgoing any paychecks, the position promised to catapult him back to the pinnacle of American business and into the ranks of the stratospherically rich. Several friends and relatives urged him to accept. “Let’s put it this way,” said Mr. Robertson. “He could have made a lot of money.”

But Mr. Romney was uninterested. His mind — and his heart — was elsewhere, still trained in the raw days after his political defeat on an urgent quest: to be understood by an electorate that had eluded him.

From the moment that Mr. Romney ended his first bid for the Republican nomination, he complained to friends, advisers and family that he had felt cheated out of a chance to explain himself to the country. He had emerged from his debut on the national political stage, he told them, as a caricature he did not recognize: emotionally uncaring, intellectually inauthentic, ideologically malleable.

Over the next three years, a little-examined period in his life, he sought to reclaim his public identity with the self-critical eye, marketing savvy and systematic rigor of the corporate consultant that he once was.

When Willard Mitt Romney, 65, delivers his acceptance speech Thursday night in Tampa, Fla., reveling in his success at winning over a fractious party and endeavoring to sell himself anew to Americans, he will owe the moment in no small measure to what he did during this time.

It was a restless period when he labored to persuade voters to see him as he saw himself: a man of deep convictions and big ideas, a credible party leader and inevitable presidential nominee.

He coolly assessed the failings of his 2008 campaign and undertook an intensive yearlong tutorial on everything from the tax code to global jihadism. He wrote a book laying out his vision to answer conservative doubters and counter charges of flip-flopping, elbowing aside a ghost writer who he felt could not channel his voice. He bought good will in his party by crisscrossing the country to raise money for hundreds of candidates, even cutting a check for one lawmaker’s portrait in the New Hampshire State House.

Mr. Romney returned as a far stronger candidate — a crisper debater, a more decisive manager, a better strategist whose chief selling point this time around, his business expertise, was well suited to the political moment. But he also ran up against the limits of his own overhaul.

Averse to exposing his private life, he offered no personal narrative for people to feel they really knew him. His exhaustive campaigning did little to diminish his awkwardness with voters. And for all his preparedness on foreign policy, he offended his hosts on his first overseas trip as his party's presumptive nominee.

Romney's quick reimmersion into politics after his 2008 loss was revealing for a man who, at 60, had already conquered high finance and state government. Suddenly rudderless for the first time in his adult life, he recoiled at the prospect of an unstructured existence, telling an adviser: “I'm not just going to meet with people. I need a plan.”

This 1,211-day stretch shows much of what still animates Mr. Romney: an abiding belief that corporate methods can be applied to the political sphere, a longing to be accepted by the world beyond his close-knit community, and a relentless drive for self-improvement.

“He felt he had been — he knew that he had been — unable to connect with the voters,” said Peter Matson, Mr. Romney’s book agent. “In his mind,” Mr. Matson said, “he had to do better.”

‘The Message Wasn’t There’

Mitt Romney was unsparing on Valentine’s Day in 2008 when he summoned a dozen top aides into a conference room overlooking the Charles River in Boston.

He handed out copies of a single-page document on which he evaluated his bid for the nomination, breaking it into two categories, the candidate and the campaign. What had worked: his strategy for raising money and collecting delegates. What had not: his relative lack of foreign policy experience and muddled positions on social issues.

Participants recalled the exercise in self-analysis as both eerie and impressive, saying that it seemed as if Mr. Romney were talking about someone other than himself. His diagnosis: “The message was not there,” according to several aides, who said he accepted much of the blame.

With a book, Mr. Romney reasoned, he could avoid any ambiguity about what he stood for, circumventing the news media and the political enemies who he felt had misrepresented him in 2008. “I can write what I want to write. I can say what I want to say,” his son Tagg recalled his father explaining.

So in the fall of 2008, at the suggestion of a top political adviser, Stuart Stevens, Mr. Romney signed on with an unlikely writing partner — an Obama-loving Democrat named Russell Martin, who helped write a PBS documentary that won an award for combating homophobia.

It was an uneasy collaboration from the start: Mr. Romney soon rejected an agreed-upon system of tape recording his thoughts, which Mr. Martin would massage into prose. Mr. Romney insisted on drafting every chapter then letting Mr. Martin edit.

“The roles were effectively reversed,” said Mr. Matson, the book agent. “The Romney experience of 2008 was that the people who wrote speeches for him were not good enough. He said that if he had been able to write his speeches on his own, he would have been better off.”

Mr. Romney, a voracious reader and avid student of history, relished what he began to treat as a crash course on the United States military, Russian-American relations, public education reform and federal regulation.

Mr. Romney’s book, “No Apology,” published in March 2010, was a forceful conservative manifesto: an argument for preserving America’s military supremacy, free-market economic edge and energy independence. “He wanted his vision for American to be pretty black and white, which was probably inspired by people calling him a flip-flopper,” said Kirk Jowers, a family friend.

Mr. Romney had rejected suggestions that he write a tell-all memoir. But delving into his biography even in a cursory way did not come naturally. His book agent, ghost writer and editor urged him to apply his personal experience to his policy prescriptions, which unfurled in sometimes dense passages about “purchase power parity exchange rates” and “dynamic regulation.”

“The constant refrain was, ‘This needs more of you,’ ” said one person familiar with the process.

In the end, though, he offered only glimpses of himself in the book, which even Mr. Romney’s agent acknowledged is not a page turner. (“Not fully revelatory,” The New York Times said in its review, noting, not unkindly, that it lacked the “treacly intimate anecdotes meant to reveal the politician’s softer side.”)

Mr. Romney excelled, though, in one facet of publishing: marketing. Competitive about sales and delivering his message, he kept tabs on the book of a potential Republican rival, Sarah Palin, whose memoir hit stores a few months before his did, making its debut at No. 1 on The New York Times best-seller list.

His team left little to chance, requiring venues on his book tour to place large orders for “No Apology.” By March 2010, it topped the best-seller list, with an asterisk — bulk orders had most likely skewed its performance.

Constructing a Leader

Publicly, Mr. Romney was coy about his aspirations, telling those who asked that he would not make any decisions about a run until late 2010. Privately, he prepared for the race, one Iowa breakfast round table, Nevada barbecue and Virginia state party dinner at a time.

The Romney playbook remained unchanged from his days at Harvard, at Bain Capital, at the Olympic Games and the governor’s office: He out-hustled those around him. In 2009 alone, he attended 53 events for Republican candidates and causes, made 44 television appearances, gave 11 newspaper interviews and held 8 news conferences, records show.

He kept in close contact with his 2008 campaign staff through e-mails and reunions. And his political action committees made payments to his four top aides from the first race and paid at least three dozen others who would join his 2012 campaign.

Perhaps most crucially, Mr. Romney raised hundreds of thousand of dollars from longtime friends, which he used to saturate state and federal candidates with campaign donations. By setting up a network of political action committees, he tiptoed around donation limits to local officials. From 2008 through 2011, he gave nearly $600,000 to more than 200 officials and party organizations in at least 27 states.

Some recipients became Mr. Romney’s loudest cheerleaders this year.

Last-Minute Jitters

Inside Mr. Romney’s living room in La Jolla, Calif., in December 2010, his top advisers switched on a PowerPoint presentation sketching out a possible 2012 campaign. It included two worrisome names as likely opponents: Ms. Palin and Mike Huckabee, the former Arkansas governor. Darlings of the conservative movement, both posed the same far-right threat that had undone Mr. Romney in 2008.

The Tea Party movement was suddenly ascendant, and Mr. Romney, who had governed as a moderate and championed a state-sponsored health care overhaul in a Democratic state, hardly embodied the angry ethos of the new movement. But his advisers counseled calm. They envisioned a campaign with a single-minded focus on the economy, an issue they believed would transcend intramural Republican squabbling, and took comfort in their record of fund-raising for Tea Party candidates.

They saw a path to victory — not a resounding win, they cautioned, but a win nonetheless. But Mr. Romney did not share their optimism.

A few weeks later, Mitt, Ann, and their five sons and daughters-in-law convened at the beach house for a ritual: a family vote on a presidential run. The decision had been unanimous in 2006, but this time around, the enthusiasm was gone. There was a good chance he might not make it through the primaries, Mr. Romney warned, anticipating scrutiny of his Massachusetts health care plan and his Mormon faith. “Why go through the process just to lose again?” he asked, one relative recalled.

The vote was 10 to 2, with only Ann and Tagg favoring a run.

Over the next few months, Mr. Romney told his family three times that he had decided against a race. After all the planning, he had flinched.

In Mr. Romney’s retellings of this period, it was his wife who made the most compelling case for running. But she had crucial allies: trusted aides who argued that he was uniquely qualified to run in 2012 and owed it to himself, and the country, to try.

During a conference call in the spring of 2011, they made their final pitch, asking Mr. Romney if he believed, as they did, that he could fix the economy. He said that he did.

There was nothing left to discuss.
For Mr. Romney, who had spent the previous decade in public life forgoing any paychecks, the position promised to catapult him back to the pinnacle of American business and into the ranks of the stratospherically rich. Several friends and relatives urged him to accept. “Let’s put it this way,” said Mr. Robertson. “He could have made a lot of money.”

But Mr. Romney was uninterested. His mind — and his heart — was elsewhere, still trained in the raw days after his political defeat on an urgent quest: to be understood by an electorate that had eluded him.

From the moment that Mr. Romney ended his first bid for the Republican nomination, he complained to friends, advisers and family that he had felt cheated out of a chance to explain himself to the country. He had emerged from his debut on the national political stage, he told them, as a caricature he did not recognize: emotionally uncaring, intellectually inauthentic, ideologically malleable.

Over the next three years, a little-examined period in his life, he sought to reclaim his public identity with the self-critical eye, marketing savvy and systematic rigor of the corporate consultant that he once was.

When Willard Mitt Romney, 65, delivers his acceptance speech Thursday night in Tampa, Fla., reveling in his success at winning over a fractious party and endeavoring to sell himself anew to Americans, he will owe the moment in no small measure to what he did during this time.

It was a restless period when he labored to persuade voters to see him as he saw himself: a man of deep convictions and big ideas, a credible party leader and inevitable presidential nominee.

He coolly assessed the failings of his 2008 campaign and undertook an intensive yearlong tutorial on everything from the tax code to global jihadism. He wrote a book laying out his vision to answer conservative doubters and counter charges of flip-flopping, elbowing aside a ghost writer who he felt could not channel his voice. He bought good will in his party by crisscrossing the country to raise money for hundreds of candidates, even cutting a check for one lawmaker’s portrait in the New Hampshire State House.

Mr. Romney returned as a far stronger candidate — a crisper debater, a more decisive manager, a better strategist whose chief selling point this time around, his business expertise, was well suited to the political moment. But he also ran up against the limits of his own overhaul.

Averse to exposing his private life, he offered no personal narrative for people to feel they really knew him. His exhaustive campaigning did little to diminish his awkwardness with voters. And for all his preparedness on foreign policy, he offended his hosts on his first overseas trip as his party's presumptive nominee.

Romney's quick reimmersion into politics after his 2008 loss was revealing for a man who, at 60, had already conquered high finance and state government. Suddenly rudderless for the first time in his adult life, he recoiled at the prospect of an unstructured existence, telling an adviser: “I'm not just going to meet with people. I need a plan.”

This 1,211-day stretch shows much of what still animates Mr. Romney: an abiding belief that corporate methods can be applied to the political sphere, a longing to be accepted by the world beyond his close-knit community, and a relentless drive for self-improvement.

“He felt he had been — he knew that he had been — unable to connect with the voters,” said Peter Matson, Mr. Romney’s book agent. “In his mind,” Mr. Matson said, “he had to do better.”

‘The Message Wasn’t There’

Mitt Romney was unsparing on Valentine’s Day in 2008 when he summoned a dozen top aides into a conference room overlooking the Charles River in Boston.

He handed out copies of a single-page document on which he evaluated his bid for the nomination, breaking it into two categories, the candidate and the campaign. What had worked: his strategy for raising money and collecting delegates. What had not: his relative lack of foreign policy experience and muddled positions on social issues.

Participants recalled the exercise in self-analysis as both eerie and impressive, saying that it seemed as if Mr. Romney were talking about someone other than himself. His diagnosis: “The message was not there,” according to several aides, who said he accepted much of the blame.

With a book, Mr. Romney reasoned, he could avoid any ambiguity about what he stood for, circumventing the news media and the political enemies who he felt had misrepresented him in 2008. “I can write what I want to write. I can say what I want to say,” his son Tagg recalled his father explaining.

So in the fall of 2008, at the suggestion of a top political adviser, Stuart Stevens, Mr. Romney signed on with an unlikely writing partner — an Obama-loving Democrat named Russell Martin, who helped write a PBS documentary that won an award for combating homophobia.

It was an uneasy collaboration from the start: Mr. Romney soon rejected an agreed-upon system of tape recording his thoughts, which Mr. Martin would massage into prose. Mr. Romney insisted on drafting every chapter then letting Mr. Martin edit.

“The roles were effectively reversed,” said Mr. Matson, the book agent. “The Romney experience of 2008 was that the people who wrote speeches for him were not good enough. He said that if he had been able to write his speeches on his own, he would have been better off.”

Mr. Romney, a voracious reader and avid student of history, relished what he began to treat as a crash course on the United States military, Russian-American relations, public education reform and federal regulation.

Mr. Romney’s book, “No Apology,” published in March 2010, was a forceful conservative manifesto: an argument for preserving America’s military supremacy, free-market economic edge and energy independence. “He wanted his vision for American to be pretty black and white, which was probably inspired by people calling him a flip-flopper,” said Kirk Jowers, a family friend.

Mr. Romney had rejected suggestions that he write a tell-all memoir. But delving into his biography even in a cursory way did not come naturally. His book agent, ghost writer and editor urged him to apply his personal experience to his policy prescriptions, which unfurled in sometimes dense passages about “purchase power parity exchange rates” and “dynamic regulation.”

“The constant refrain was, ‘This needs more of you,’ ” said one person familiar with the process.

In the end, though, he offered only glimpses of himself in the book, which even Mr. Romney’s agent acknowledged is not a page turner. (“Not fully revelatory,” The New York Times said in its review, noting, not unkindly, that it lacked the “treacly intimate anecdotes meant to reveal the politician’s softer side.”)

Mr. Romney excelled, though, in one facet of publishing: marketing. Competitive about sales and delivering his message, he kept tabs on the book of a potential Republican rival, Sarah Palin, whose memoir hit stores a few months before his did, making its debut at No. 1 on The New York Times best-seller list.

His team left little to chance, requiring venues on his book tour to place large orders for “No Apology.” By March 2010, it topped the best-seller list, with an asterisk — bulk orders had most likely skewed its performance.

Constructing a Leader

Publicly, Mr. Romney was coy about his aspirations, telling those who asked that he would not make any decisions about a run until late 2010. Privately, he prepared for the race, one Iowa breakfast round table, Nevada barbecue and Virginia state party dinner at a time.

The Romney playbook remained unchanged from his days at Harvard, at Bain Capital, at the Olympic Games and the governor’s office: He out-hustled those around him. In 2009 alone, he attended 53 events for Republican candidates and causes, made 44 television appearances, gave 11 newspaper interviews and held 8 news conferences, records show.

He kept in close contact with his 2008 campaign staff through e-mails and reunions. And his political action committees made payments to his four top aides from the first race and paid at least three dozen others who would join his 2012 campaign.

Perhaps most crucially, Mr. Romney raised hundreds of thousand of dollars from longtime friends, which he used to saturate state and federal candidates with campaign donations. By setting up a network of political action committees, he tiptoed around donation limits to local officials. From 2008 through 2011, he gave nearly $600,000 to more than 200 officials and party organizations in at least 27 states.

Some recipients became Mr. Romney’s loudest cheerleaders this year.

Last-Minute Jitters

Inside Mr. Romney’s living room in La Jolla, Calif., in December 2010, his top advisers switched on a PowerPoint presentation sketching out a possible 2012 campaign. It included two worrisome names as likely opponents: Ms. Palin and Mike Huckabee, the former Arkansas governor. Darlings of the conservative movement, both posed the same far-right threat that had undone Mr. Romney in 2008.

The Tea Party movement was suddenly ascendant, and Mr. Romney, who had governed as a moderate and championed a state-sponsored health care overhaul in a Democratic state, hardly embodied the angry ethos of the new movement. But his advisers counseled calm. They envisioned a campaign with a single-minded focus on the economy, an issue they believed would transcend intramural Republican squabbling, and took comfort in their record of fund-raising for Tea Party candidates.

They saw a path to victory — not a resounding win, they cautioned, but a win nonetheless. But Mr. Romney did not share their optimism.

A few weeks later, Mitt, Ann, and their five sons and daughters-in-law convened at the beach house for a ritual: a family vote on a presidential run. The decision had been unanimous in 2006, but this time around, the enthusiasm was gone. There was a good chance he might not make it through the primaries, Mr. Romney warned, anticipating scrutiny of his Massachusetts health care plan and his Mormon faith. “Why go through the process just to lose again?” he asked, one relative recalled.

The vote was 10 to 2, with only Ann and Tagg favoring a run.

Over the next few months, Mr. Romney told his family three times that he had decided against a race. After all the planning, he had flinched.

In Mr. Romney’s retellings of this period, it was his wife who made the most compelling case for running. But she had crucial allies: trusted aides who argued that he was uniquely qualified to run in 2012 and owed it to himself, and the country, to try.

During a conference call in the spring of 2011, they made their final pitch, asking Mr. Romney if he believed, as they did, that he could fix the economy. He said that he did.

There was nothing left to discuss.

巫師大，可以幫忙附上翻譯嗎?

只轉貼網路上的，跟那些轉貼新聞不附上一些心得的人有什麼不同…

選我！選我！最佳解答！
 

沒多久後，米特·羅姆尼退出了總統競選，朱利安·羅伯遜，紐約金融巨頭在2008年年初，飛到猶他提供一個令人瞠目的報價。

他問羅姆尼擔任首席執行官的年薪約為3000萬美元，他的對沖基金，老虎管理，根據兩個人說的討論。

羅姆尼在公共生活中放棄任何薪水，誰花了過去十年中的位置承諾，彈射他回到美國商業的巔峰之作，豐富的stratospherically的行列。幾個朋友和親戚勸他接受。 “讓我們把它這樣，”羅伯遜先生說。 “他已經做了很多的錢。”

但羅姆尼也沒有興趣。他的想法 - 他的心臟 - 在別處，還是在原天的培訓後，他的政治上的迫切任務失敗：可以理解的，躲避他的選民。

羅姆尼結束了他的第一次出價為共和黨提名的那一刻起，他抱怨的朋友，顧問和家人，他已經感到被騙去的一個機會解釋自己的國家。他從出道出現的國家的政治舞台上，他告訴他們，他不承認作為一個漫畫：情感冷漠，智力不真實的，思想上可塑性。

在未來三年，在他的生活中一點點審查期間，他試圖收回他的公開身份與自我批判的眼光，營銷的精明和系統的企業顧問，他曾經是嚴謹的。

當威拉德·羅姆尼（Mitt Romney），65歲，發表接受提名的演講週四晚在佛羅里達州坦帕市，陶醉在他的成功贏得了一個脾氣不好的人，並努力自己重新出售給美國人，他將欠的那一刻，到他在不小的程度確實在這段時間。

這是一個不安分的時期時，他費盡口舌說服選民看他，因為他看到了自己深刻的信念和偉大的想法：一個男人，一個可靠的黨的領導和不可避免的總統候選人。

他冷靜地評估他在2008年競選失敗，一切從稅法，全球聖戰主義進行了密集的為期一年的教程。他寫了一本書，奠定了他的遠見回答保守的懷疑者和櫃檯費的倒裝假摔，拋棄鬼作家，他覺得誰不能引導他的聲音。他買了良好的意願，在他的黨縱橫交錯的國家，數百名候選人籌集資金，甚至切割的支票，一個國會議員的肖像在新罕布什爾州議會大廈。

羅姆尼返回的更強有力的候選人 - 一個更清晰的辯手，更決定性經理，一個更好的戰略家，其主要的賣點的時候，他的業務專長，是非常適合的政治時刻。但他也碰到了自己的大修限制。

不願暴露了他的私人生活，他沒有提供任何的個人故事，讓人們感受到他們真的知道他。他詳盡的競選活動並沒有減少他的尷尬與選民。他在外交政策上的準備，他得罪了他的主人為他的黨的推定被提名人在他的首次海外之行。

羅姆尼的快速進入政界後，他2008年虧損reimmersion，是揭示一個人，在60歲，已經征服財政部和國家政府。突然群龍無首第一次在他成年後的生活，他退縮了在非結構化存在的前景，告訴顧問：“我不只是要滿足的人。我需要一個計劃。“

這1211天的拉伸顯示很多東西，還是動畫羅姆尼：一個守法的信念，企業的方法可以應用到政治領域，一個渴望被世界所接受，超出了他的聯繫緊密的社區，和一個無情的自我驅動器 - 改善。

“他覺得他一樣 - 他知道，他一直 - 與選民無法連接的，”彼得·馬特森說，羅姆尼的代理記賬。 “在他心目中，”美森先生說，“他做的更好。”

“該消息是不是有”

米特•羅姆尼（Mitt Romney）在2008年時，他召集了十幾個助手到一間會議室，可俯瞰波士頓的查爾斯河不留情的情人節。

他遞給他的提名，他的出價將其分為兩大類，候選人和競選活動的一個單頁的文件的副本。曾：他的籌款和收集代表的戰略。發生了什麼事：他相對缺乏外交經驗和混亂在社會問題上的立場。

與會者回顧了鍛煉自我剖析怪異和令人印象深刻，他說，好像羅姆尼本人以外的其他人都在談論。他的診斷是：“的消息是不存在，”根據幾個助手，他說，他接受遠之則怨。

一本書，羅姆尼的理由，他能避免什麼，他站在任何含糊之處，避開了新聞媒體和政治的敵人，他覺得誰誤傳了他在2008年。 “我可以寫我想寫的是什麼。我能說的就是我想說的是，“他的兒子塔格回憶他的父親解釋。

因此，在2008年的秋天，在一個高級政治顧問斯圖爾特·史蒂文斯的建議，羅姆尼先生簽署了一個不太可能的寫作夥伴 - 奧巴馬的愛好民主黨名叫羅素馬丁，誰幫寫一個的PBS紀錄片，贏得了獎打擊同性戀恐懼症。

這是一個不安的合作從一開始，羅姆尼很快拒絕了商定的系統的磁帶記錄他的想法，Martin先生將按摩到散文。羅姆尼堅持每一個章節，然後讓馬丁先生編輯的起草。

馬特森說：“先生，這本書劑”的作用得到有效扭轉，。 “2008年羅姆尼經驗的人誰寫了他的發言不夠好。他說，如果他能寫他對自己的發言，他會一直好起來的。“

羅姆尼，一個貪婪的讀者和熱心的學生的歷史，津津樂道，他開始把美國軍隊的崩潰當然，俄羅斯和美國的關係，公共教育的改革和聯邦法規。

羅姆尼先生的書，“不道歉”，發表在2010年3月，是一個有力的保守宣言：為維護美國的軍事霸權，自由市場的經濟優勢和能源獨立的參數。 “他希望他的遠見美國是漂亮的黑色和白色，這可能是靈感的人，稱他是一個倒裝flopper喬爾斯，”柯克說，一個家庭的朋友。

羅姆尼拒絕了建議，他寫了告訴所有的回憶錄。但是，一個粗略的方式深入到他的傳記，即使在沒有自然來。他的代理記賬，鬼作家和編輯勸他將自己的親身經歷，以他的的政策處方藥，有時密集的通道，迎風招展的“購買購買力平價匯率”和“動態調節。”

“不變不要，”這需要更多的你“，說：”一個人，熟悉的過程。

不過，最後，他只提供瞥見了自己的書，甚至羅姆尼的經紀人承認是不是一個網頁特納。 （“不完全的啟示，”紐約時報“說，在審查，並指出，嚴厲地說，它缺乏”甜蜜的親密軼事旨在揭示政治家的溫柔的一面。“）

羅姆尼出色，儘管在出版：市場營銷的一個方面。競爭力的銷售，並提供他的消息，他不停地標籤上潛在的共和黨對手，佩林的回憶錄砸店前幾個月，他沒有，使得其在1號首次亮相紐約時報暢銷書排行榜上的書。

他的團隊留下一點機會，他的巡迴售書活動場地上放置大訂單“不道歉。”2010年3月，榮登暢銷書排行榜，用星號 - 批量訂單最有可能扭曲了它的性能。

構建領導者

羅姆尼在公開場合，他的願望是忸怩作態有關，告訴那些誰問，他不會作出任何決定運行，直到2010年年底。私下里，他準備的種族，愛荷華州早餐圓桌會議，內華達州燒烤和弗吉尼亞州的黨的晚餐一次。

羅姆尼劇本維持不變，從他的天在哈佛，在貝恩資本，在奧運會和州長辦公室的他，推搡他周圍的人。記錄顯示，僅在2009年，他參加了53次為共和黨候選人及原因，提出了44個在電視上露面，給了11個報紙的採訪，並舉行了8場新聞發布會。

他在他2008年的競選工作人員保持密切聯繫，通過e-mail和團聚。他的政治行動委員會從第一場比賽和他的高級助手作出付款，支付了至少三十餘人，將參加他2012年競選。

也許最重要的是，羅姆尼籌集了數億萬美元老朋友，他用飽和州和聯邦候選人的競選捐款。通過建立網絡的政治行動委員會，他躡手躡腳地圍繞當地官員的捐款限制。從2008年到2011年，他給了近60萬美元，在至少27個國家的200多名政府官員和黨的組織。

有些受助人羅姆尼的最響亮的拉拉隊今年。

最後一分鐘的抖動

內羅姆尼先生，2010年12月，美國加利福尼亞州拉霍亞的客廳中，他的高級顧問打開一個PowerPoint演示文稿，勾勒出2012年可能的運動。它包括兩個令人擔憂的可能的對手的名字：佩林女士，前阿肯色州州長邁克·赫卡比。保守運動的寵兒，都提出了相同的極右翼的威脅，羅姆尼在2008年毀滅了。

茶黨運動的突然上升，羅姆尼作為一個溫和的，誰治理和擁護國家資助的醫療改革在一個民主國家，幾乎體現了憤怒的新的運動風氣。但他的顧問輔導平靜。他們設想了一個一心一意地專注於經濟問題，他們認為這將超越校內共和黨爭吵，在他們的茶黨候選人的籌款記錄了舒適的運動。

他們看到了一個制勝之道 - 一個響亮的勝利，他們警告，但仍一勝。但羅姆尼沒有分享他們的樂觀。

幾個星期後，召開手套，安，和他們的五個兒子和女兒女婿在沙灘上的房子的儀式：一個家庭在總統競選投票。在2006年這一決定是一致的，但是這一次，熱情消失了。有一個很好的機會，他可能無法通過初選，羅姆尼先生警告說，預計他的馬薩諸塞州的醫療保健計劃和他的摩門教信仰的審議。 “為什麼必經的過程，只是失去了嗎？”他問，一個相對的回憶。

投票結果是10日至2，，Ann和塔格有利於運行。

在接下來的幾個月中，羅姆尼先生告訴他的家人，他已決定對一個種族的三倍。所有的規劃後，他就畏縮了一下。

它在羅姆尼的複述這個時期，是他的妻子，最引人注目的運行情況。但她有至關重要的盟友認為，他是唯一有資格在2012年和欠它自己的親信，並在全國，去嘗試。

在一個電話會議，在2011年的春天，他們做了他們的決賽場上，如果他問羅姆尼認為，像他們那樣，他可以解決經濟問題。他說，他做了。

有精光討論。
羅姆尼在公共生活中放棄任何薪水，誰花了過去十年中的位置承諾，彈射他回到美國商業的巔峰之作，豐富的stratospherically的行列。幾個朋友和親戚勸他接受。 “讓我們把它這樣，”羅伯遜先生說。 “他已經做了很多的錢。”

但羅姆尼也沒有興趣。他的想法 - 他的心臟 - 在別處，還是在原天的培訓後，他的政治上的迫切任務失敗：可以理解的，躲避他的選民。

羅姆尼結束了他的第一次出價為共和黨提名的那一刻起，他抱怨的朋友，顧問和家人，他已經感到被騙去的一個機會解釋自己的國家。他從出道出現的國家的政治舞台上，他告訴他們，他不承認作為一個漫畫：情感冷漠，智力不真實的，思想上可塑性。

在未來三年，在他的生活中一點點審查期間，他試圖收回他的公開身份與自我批判的眼光，營銷的精明和系統的企業顧問，他曾經是嚴謹的。

當威拉德·羅姆尼（Mitt Romney），65歲，發表接受提名的演講週四晚在佛羅里達州坦帕市，陶醉在他的成功贏得了一個脾氣不好的人，並努力自己重新出售給美國人，他將欠的那一刻，到他在不小的程度確實在這段時間。

這是一個不安分的時期時，他費盡口舌說服選民看他，因為他看到了自己深刻的信念和偉大的想法：一個男人，一個可靠的黨的領導和不可避免的總統候選人。

他冷靜地評估他在2008年競選失敗，一切從稅法，全球聖戰主義進行了密集的為期一年的教程。他寫了一本書，奠定了他的遠見回答保守的懷疑者和櫃檯費的倒裝假摔，拋棄鬼作家，他覺得誰不能引導他的聲音。他買了良好的意願，在他的黨縱橫交錯的國家，數百名候選人籌集資金，甚至切割的支票，一個國會議員的肖像在新罕布什爾州議會大廈。

羅姆尼返回的更強有力的候選人 - 一個更清晰的辯手，更決定性經理，一個更好的戰略家，其主要的賣點的時候，他的業務專長，是非常適合的政治時刻。但他也碰到了自己的大修限制。

不願暴露了他的私人生活，他沒有提供任何的個人故事，讓人們感受到他們真的知道他。他詳盡的競選活動並沒有減少他的尷尬與選民。他在外交政策上的準備，他得罪了他的主人為他的黨的推定被提名人在他的首次海外之行。

羅姆尼的快速進入政界後，他2008年虧損reimmersion，是揭示一個人，在60歲，已經征服財政部和國家政府。突然群龍無首第一次在他成年後的生活，他退縮了在非結構化存在的前景，告訴顧問：“我不只是要滿足的人。我需要一個計劃。“

這1211天的拉伸顯示很多東西，還是動畫羅姆尼：一個守法的信念，企業的方法可以應用到政治領域，一個渴望被世界所接受，超出了他的聯繫緊密的社區，和一個無情的自我驅動器 - 改善。

“他覺得他一樣 - 他知道，他一直 - 與選民無法連接的，”彼得·馬特森說，羅姆尼的代理記賬。 “在他心目中，”美森先生說，“他做的更好。”

“該消息是不是有”

米特•羅姆尼（Mitt Romney）在2008年時，他召集了十幾個助手到一間會議室，可俯瞰波士頓的查爾斯河不留情的情人節。

他遞給他的提名，他的出價將其分為兩大類，候選人和競選活動的一個單頁的文件的副本。曾：他的籌款和收集代表的戰略。發生了什麼事：他相對缺乏外交經驗和混亂在社會問題上的立場。

與會者回顧了鍛煉自我剖析怪異和令人印象深刻，他說，好像羅姆尼本人以外的其他人都在談論。他的診斷是：“的消息是不存在，”根據幾個助手，他說，他接受遠之則怨。

一本書，羅姆尼的理由，他能避免什麼，他站在任何含糊之處，避開了新聞媒體和政治的敵人，他覺得誰誤傳了他在2008年。 “我可以寫我想寫的是什麼。我能說的就是我想說的是，“他的兒子塔格回憶他的父親解釋。

因此，在2008年的秋天，在一個高級政治顧問斯圖爾特·史蒂文斯的建議，羅姆尼先生簽署了一個不太可能的寫作夥伴 - 奧巴馬的愛好民主黨名叫羅素馬丁，誰幫寫一個的PBS紀錄片，贏得了獎打擊同性戀恐懼症。

這是一個不安的合作從一開始，羅姆尼很快拒絕了商定的系統的磁帶記錄他的想法，Martin先生將按摩到散文。羅姆尼堅持每一個章節，然後讓馬丁先生編輯的起草。

馬特森說：“先生，這本書劑”的作用得到有效扭轉，。 “2008年羅姆尼經驗的人誰寫了他的發言不夠好。他說，如果他能寫他對自己的發言，他會一直好起來的。“

羅姆尼，一個貪婪的讀者和熱心的學生的歷史，津津樂道，他開始把美國軍隊的崩潰當然，俄羅斯和美國的關係，公共教育的改革和聯邦法規。

羅姆尼先生的書，“沒有道歉，”發表在2010年3月，是一個有力的保守宣言：為維護美國的軍事霸權，自由市場的經濟優勢和能源獨立的參數。 “他希望他的遠見美國是漂亮的黑色和白色，這可能是靈感的人，稱他是一個倒裝flopper喬爾斯，”柯克說，一個家庭的朋友。

羅姆尼拒絕了建議，他寫了告訴所有的回憶錄。但是，一個粗略的方式深入到他的傳記，即使在沒有自然來。他的代理記賬，鬼作家和編輯勸他將自己的親身經歷，他的政策處方，迎風招展，有時密集的通道的“購買購買力平價匯率”和“動態調節。”

“不變不要，”這需要更多的你“，說：”一個人，熟悉的過程。

不過，最後，他只提供瞥見了自己的書，甚至羅姆尼的經紀人承認是不是一個網頁特納。 （“不完全的啟示，”紐約時報“說，在審查，並指出，嚴厲地說，它缺乏”甜蜜的親密軼事旨在揭示政治家的溫柔的一面。“）

羅姆尼出色，儘管在出版：市場營銷的一個方面。競爭力的銷售，並提供他的消息，他不停地標籤上潛在的共和黨對手，佩林的回憶錄砸店前幾個月，他沒有，使得其在1號首次亮相紐約時報暢銷書排行榜上的書。

他的團隊留下一點機會，他的巡迴售書活動場地上放置大訂單“不道歉。”2010年3月，榮登暢銷書排行榜，用星號 - 批量訂單最有可能扭曲了它的性能。

構建領導者

羅姆尼在公開場合，他的願望是忸怩作態有關，告訴那些誰問，他不會作出任何決定運行，直到2010年年底。私下里，他準備的種族，愛荷華州早餐圓桌會議，內華達州燒烤和弗吉尼亞州的黨的晚餐一次。

羅姆尼劇本維持不變，從他的天在哈佛，在貝恩資本，在奧運會和州長辦公室的他，推搡他周圍的人。記錄顯示，僅在2009年，他參加了53次為共和黨候選人及原因，提出了44個在電視上露面，給了11個報紙的採訪，並舉行了8場新聞發布會。

他在他2008年的競選工作人員保持密切聯繫，通過e-mail和團聚。他的政治行動委員會從第一場比賽和他的高級助手作出付款，支付了至少三十餘人，將參加他2012年競選。

也許最重要的是，羅姆尼籌集了數億萬美元老朋友，他用飽和州和聯邦候選人的競選捐款。通過建立網絡的政治行動委員會，他躡手躡腳地圍繞當地官員的捐款限制。從2008年到2011年，他給了近60萬美元，在至少27個國家的200多名政府官員和黨的組織。

有些受助人羅姆尼的最響亮的拉拉隊今年。

最後一分鐘的抖動

內羅姆尼先生，2010年12月，美國加利福尼亞州拉霍亞的客廳中，他的高級顧問打開一個PowerPoint演示文稿，勾勒出2012年可能的運動。它包括兩個令人擔憂的可能的對手的名字：佩林女士，前阿肯色州州長邁克·赫卡比。保守運動的寵兒，都提出了相同的極右翼的威脅，羅姆尼在2008年毀滅了。

茶黨運動的突然上升，羅姆尼作為一個溫和的，誰治理和擁護國家資助的醫療改革在一個民主國家，幾乎體現了憤怒的新的運動風氣。但他的顧問輔導平靜。他們設想了一個一心一意地專注於經濟問題，他們認為這將超越校內共和黨爭吵，在他們的茶黨候選人的籌款記錄了舒適的運動。

他們看到了一個制勝之道 - 一個響亮的勝利，他們警告，但仍一勝。但羅姆尼沒有分享他們的樂觀。

幾個星期後，召開手套，安，和他們的五個兒子和女兒女婿在沙灘上的房子的儀式：一個家庭在總統競選投票。在2006年這一決定是一致的，但是這一次，熱情消失了。有一個很好的機會，他可能無法通過初選，羅姆尼先生警告說，預計他的馬薩諸塞州的醫療保健計劃和他的摩門教信仰的審議。 “為什麼必經的過程，只是失去了嗎？”他問，一個相對的回憶。

投票結果是10日至2，，Ann和塔格有利於運行。

在接下來的幾個月中，羅姆尼先生告訴他的家人，他已決定對一個種族的三倍。所有的規劃後，他就畏縮了一下。

它在羅姆尼的複述這個時期，是他的妻子，最引人注目的運行情況。但她有至關重要的盟友認為，他是唯一有資格在2012年和欠它自己的親信，並在全國，去嘗試。

在一個電話會議，在2011年的春天，他們做了他們的決賽場上，如果他問羅姆尼認為，像他們那樣，他可以解決經濟問題。他說，他做了。

有精光討論。

參考：google翻譯君

喲~帥哥~有人跟你要翻譯喔 :laugh: :laugh:

(下次你自己去要啊. 這次好玩我幫你要. 下次你自己去呀 :laugh: )

純英文訓練!!! :)

請地海兄指教 :)

最後一句直接還給你的題目:There was nothing left to discuss. :laugh:

如何訓練小三女背五千個單字.

那還討論個屁阿.

Google 翻譯的粉爛 :laugh: